A Different Approach to Andersonville

The prison pen at Andersonville, Georgia (Camp Sumter) has been the subject of several books, numerous magazine articles and myriad blog posts. It has also been the subject of at least one movie, the 1996 Turner Pictures Worldwide film “Andersonville”.

Generally these efforts relate the squalor and deprivation these men endured. They also tend to lean heavily on the Swiss born commandant, Henry Wirz. Portrayed as cruel and murderous, Wirz would later be convicted of war crimes and executed.

This post will not actually follow the pattern of earlier scholarship on the subject. It may prove interesting to some readers while hold no interest for others. It will look at things concerning different aspects of the soldiers held at the prison. More specifically, it looks at roughly 400 men and boys that were given the sacraments of “penance and extreme unction” by Fr. H. Clavreul, a Catholic priest who had been ministering to the prisoners of war in Savannah, Georgia before transferring to Camp Sumter in July 1864. He ministered in the camp until August 20, 1864. He would be taken ill with what he describes as “continued vomiting” and he would be sent back to Savannah at the insistence of his fellow priest, a Father Whelan. He does not give any details about his malady other than the vomiting. He does relate that he:

“Spent that day and following night on board the train wholly unconscious, recovering my senses only when, on arrival at Savannah, they dragged me from under the car seat where I was lying.”

Perhaps his troubles were related to his diet, which closely mirrored that of the prisoners:

“cornbread, cow peas, and parched corn coffee.”

This is only conjecture as to what caused his ailment. But scurvy, diarrhea, and dysentery were common in the camp, so it is no surprise he would be touched in some way by illness. Fortunately he would recover sufficiently to resume his duties in late September '64 at Savannah. This was just as an influx of 10,000 prisoners transferring from Andersonville arrived there.

 

The Dead Line at Andersonville

 

 

Clavreul's diary is the only source drawn from for the following numbers and any conclusion drawn here is not to be taken as definitive. They are merely related to a very small segment of the whole terrifying experience that was Andersonville and the American Civil War.

The soldiers and sailors that Fr. Whelan and Fr. Clavreul ministered to were a melting pot to say the least. Of the total Fr. Clavreul ministered to, only 80 are listed as being native born Americans. They came from northern and southern states, with New York leading the grim toll of dead with 26. Pennsylvania was close behind with 24. The other men hailed from Massachusetts, Ohio, Missouri, Virginia, Wisconsin, Michigan, Connecticut, Tennessee, Vermont, Maryland, Maine, New Jersey, Indiana, Kentucky, and Arkansas.

There were 39 native Canadians among Fr. Clavreul's flock. An interesting number when compared to the number of native born sons. They are listed as simply being from Canada or in some cases the province the man was from is noted. Upper Canada (Ontario), New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia are defined as the land of nativity in these instances.

It comes as a mild surprise to find 188 men from Ireland in the group. The surprise is that it far outstrips the next group, those from Germany, or Germanic states, by nearly 3 to 1. The Germans had 59. The rest of the world had representatives a well. 8 Frenchmen were ministered to, as well as 8 Englishmen. Switzerland had 5 and tiny Belgium had 2. Holland and Spain added 1 each. Looking at these figures and remembering this is a small segment of the entire Union army, one might see why nativists at the time would be against emancipation of the slave. It also could shed light on Southern perceptions that “mercenary hordes” were sent to trample Southern rights.

Beyond the geographic origins of Fr. Clavreul's group is the age. At 26.6 years, it appears that the average age of these prisoners was about the norm, perhaps a bit older. The youngest was William Plummer, 14 years old and he came from Pennsylvania. Unfortunately, the diary does not list his regiment or his rank. Surmise would say that he was a musician, perhaps a bugler or drummer. The oldest man given the sacraments was 62 years of age. James Burcham was a ships carpenter in the US Navy, but no vessel is identified. He was from Halifax, Nova Scotia, and one of a handful of sailors attended by Clavreul.There is a surprising number of men in the late 40 to late 50 age group which may account for the slightly higher average age. Eighteen men were between the ages of 45 and 59. Another 33 men were between the ages of 40 and 45 years old. Taken together, 12 per cent of Fr. Clavreul's little flock were older than 40 years! It should be remembered that Andersonville was an enlisted mans pen. Although Clavreul's list does not specify the occupation of these men, it is almost certain it contained a few tradesmen and professional men. Even the loss of a farmer or day laborer would rob the country of the experience level this age group offered.

Another interesting note was of a more personal nature to these men. Nine of the prisoners were baptized in their final hours.

When Fr. Clavreul again took up his duties again at Savannah, he lists another group of prisoners he ministered to. It is a much shorter list, comprising about 100 names. Strangely it encompasses roughly the same length of time as he had spent at Andersonville. It too is heavily laden with foreign born soldiers, and the ages are about the same. The smaller number may be attributed to better conditions as compared to Andersonville. The final entry to the Savannah list reads:

November 24^th, Heard confession of 72 Irishmen, names unknown.

 

 

Fr. Clavreul writes two telling passages in the diary.

“All those whom I administered I found in a dying condition and I have little doubt that they died on the very spot that I found them.”

and:

“The list of dead at Andersonville does not include those prisoners who were attended by Fr. Whelan, likely as numerous as those whom I myself attended.”

 

 

Of course there is so much more to Andersonville Prison but as mentioned there are numerous other projects in print and on the web that deal with it. This post was an attempt to show something a little different and to look closer at the men as a part of the whole, rather than looking strictly at the whole.

Looking at the Irish, their number tends to bear out the conclusion that they were more than willing to fight for their adopted home in spite of being on a lower rung of society.

The age range is surprising as well. The 40 and older group is an interesting find. Something tells me that the Union army was aging as rapidly as the Confederate army, but for different reasons. Conscription may have something to do with it. It is rare to find any reference to the age of the Federal soldier as individuals while quite common to find the age of the Confederate soldier being noted.

The baptism of the soldier is also interesting. Clavreul would baptize nine more soldiers while ministering at Savannah. The last rites were not the only function a priest performed.

Nowhere in this diary is there to be found anything approaching political statement. The author strictly adheres to relating his duties to the reader. Even after the passage of years when he adds some reminiscences to it the narrative does not diverge from this. Only on the subject of a monument to Henry Wirz does he offer anything beyond his duties. He writes in response to a friends letter:

“Now, I think, the poor man is no more worthy of a monument now, as he was at the time deserving of being hanged. His name should be forgotten.”

This little diary only has 17 pages, and it is sadly lacking in specifics on the soldiers listed. Only in a few cases are the regiments noted. It should still be a help to the genealogist though. Digging into it as I did, it proved to be a true gem and quite an interesting find. Well, at least to me!

Andersonville Survivors Medal

The Picket

Source

Clavreul, H., Diary: With the names of the Federal soldiers to whom he ministered at Andersonville, Ga. July and August 1864 Robbins, George, editor. 1910. Retrieved from Hathi Trust, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008427657/Home

Photo from Library of Congress collection http://www.loc.gov/pictures/collection/cwp/item/99400870/

The Survivors medal is from the diary frontispiece. I was unable to ascertain if it was a national or state medal. Perhaps one of you know for sure. If so please leave a comment!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A Changed Perspective: July 4th, 1864, in Diaries

Hell had broken loose that Spring of 1864. Places that once were unknown beyond the local populations would become synonymous with death and suffering. Names like Marietta, Kennesaw Mountain, and Resaca lay in the path of William T. Sherman and his army, and the Confederacy was slowly being ground away from the west. Meanwhile, Robert E. Lee and Ulysses Grant were locked in the embrace of death with names like the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, and Cold Harbor being forever etched upon the memories of the citizens of both sides.

The Year 1864 was not a good year for some of the men of the Thirty-Fifth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. The men had been formed and mustered into Federal service In August , 1862, “for three years or during the war” with some of their officers already veterans, and all ready to serve. The regiment had seen much fighting including fights at South Mountain and Antietam, and Fredricksburg. They transferred west for a time and saw service in Kentucky and East Tennessee, before returning to the east for the Wilderness and the battles beyond. On this July 4, some of the men had been prisoners of war, held at the prison camp at Andersonville Georgia. One of the men, Sergeant Henry Tisdale, was captured May 24 while fighting at the North Anna River (Hanover Junction) in Virginia. He shared a portion of his journal chronicling his life as a prisoner with the committee compiling the regimental history. Here is what he wrote on that bleak day:

“Woke to thoughts of home, inspired by “the day we celebrate”. For the last two weeks I have been saving up the extra rations allowed me of the meal and rice,we four having determined to have a Fourth of July dinner, if possible. (his messmates were two other men from the Thirty -Fifth and one from a New York cavalry regiment) The extra rations have at times been liberal, so by scrimping a little we saved what, put upon the market brought us the sum of two dollars and seventy cents. With this we concluded to have a bean soup. We purchased of the Reb sutler two onions for sixty-five cents, six potatoes for eighty cents, a red pepper for twenty-five cents, one and a half pints of beans for thirty-five cents and pork for forty cents. We had a jolly time cooking it and smacked our lips as heartily in eating it as ever at in Fourth of July in the Old Bay State.” [1]

Whilst the Bay Staters were celebrating the day with a fine meal of bean soup, Sergeant Onley Andrus of the Ninety-Fifth Illinois, which was mustered into Federal Service in September, 1862. He writes from Memphis to his sister:

“Yesterday was the “Glorious Fourth” at least up in Gods country. I suppose you make it so,but here patriotism is at a discount. I was in the city yesterday a while. The Militia was out and paraded the principle streets. The only noticeable feature in their maneuvers was the long faces and their growlings and mutterings at such proceedings,as it was very warm. The day passed off very quickly at our camp. Only a few got tight, and them not very.” [2]

This is quite a comparison. The boys from Massachusetts were still celebrating with what they had, and the boy from Illinois complains it is hot.

Corporal James E. Hall of the Thirty-First Virginia is still keeping his diary. He has also had a bad year, but his troubles began on another July day in 1863. On July 3 he was wounded at Gettysburg, and as he trailed the Army of Northern Virginia southward as one of the walking wounded he was captured the afternoon of July 5. That was a sad 4th for him also. At first he was confined at Fort Delaware, having arrived there on July 10. He would remain there until October 25 when he was transferred to Point Lookout, Maryland, where he arrived October 27, 1863.

On this July 4,1864 he records:

“All quiet still today. Two gunboats lying close to the Point have exhibited an unusual number of national flags,as this is their national day. Have heard no salutes yet.” [3]

Hall was quite faithful about writing in his diary so it may be presumed that he did not hear any “national salutes”. If he had he would surely have noted it. Another thing to notice is his reference to the Fourth as “their national day” and completely dismissing the promise it had once held for both sections. Hall would remain at Point Lookout until February 10, 1865, when he was exchanged. He went on furlough, which was cut short, and rejoined the regiment on March 16, near Petersburg, Virginia. He would see the end of the Army of Northern Virginia on April 9, 1865.

The end was near, but so far away on the Fourth of July, 1864. Attitudes concerning the day had changed dramatically since the first summer of the war. As can be seen by the diaries of the two prisoners, one still holds the day in high esteem, while the other dismisses it as being their day.

The ladies of the south hold it dear, yet realize their own independence may never come. They also use the day to vent their wrath upon the “Yankees”. Some of the diaries, which were not used here, give no notice whatsoever of the day. As with the 1862 diary entry of James H. Hougland, First Indiana Cavalry, then in Arkansas, writes:

“On a scout. 2 companies of the Illinois 33^rd, 2 companies of Indiana 8^th cavalry, Wisconsin 11^th, Indiana cavalry crossed Little Run. Saw Horseshoe and Strate lakes. Saw where the Rebels had camp. Charged. Had a fight at mouth of Rat River. Killed & took prisoners & clothes & provisions. Some of the Rebels ran off naked. Camped at Mr. Stokes's on Little Run. Had plenty of provisions. Pot of coffee.” [4]

It is true that coffee was a much welcome commodity to both sides, but what of the day?

July Fourth, 1865 will see the Union whole once more. Unity however will be some time in coming.

The Picket

Sources

1- Carruth, S., Cutter, T. E., Snow, E.F., et al, (1884) History of the Thirty-Fifth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, Boston. Mills, Knight & Co. printers

2- Andrus, O., Shannon, F.A., (1947) The Civil War Letters of Sergeant Onley Andrus, Urbana

3- Hall, J. Edmond, Dayton, R. Woods, (1961). The Diary of a Confederate Soldier: James E. Hall.[Lewisburg ? W. Va.] Page 62

4- Hougland, J. H., (1962), Civil War Diary of James H. Hougland,Company G, First Indiana Cavalry,for the Year 1862., Bloomington, Ind,:Monroe County Civil War Centennial Commission and Monroe County Historical Society, 1962

Source 1 retrieved from Googlebooks, http://books.google.com/

Sources 2-4 retrieved from Hathi Trust, http://www.hathitrust.org/

Escape!

Captain Robert D. Chapman, Fifty-Fifth Georgia Infantry was captured at Cumberland Gap on September 9, 1863, and sent north toward the prison at Johnson's Island. He did not quite make it as he and a companion, Lieutenant James Lane made good an escape after a couple of days march. Evading Federal pickets and Yankee columns marching south, the pair also had bandits and bushwhackers to avoid. Some proved to be very dangerous as evidenced by Chapman and Lane's capture by a clan of them, and their nearly being murdered by them. Both Confederates had spent some time in the region and knew full well the dangers presented by such men. When the clan proposed their release early one morning, the men that were to escort them discharged their rifles, then reloaded them. Alarm bells went off in Chapman's head, and when their escort instructed the soldiers to take the left fork of a mountain path while they themselves took the right, it was enough evidence to Chapman that evil was afoot. The two followed the left fork a distance enough to be out of sight of their would be killers, then dove off of the trail and beat a hasty retreat through the underbrush. After some hours floundering through the tangled terrain the men found a path, followed it, only to find the cabin they came to looked very familiar. They had traveled in circles and were right back where the most danger lay, the home of the bloody clan! Realizing their mistake they quickly went the opposite direction!

After much tramping along rough trails, wading creeks, and generally wearing themselves out, they found a barn which to them looked more like civilization. It was early morning and they were spent, footsore, and famished. They helped themselves to some fence rails for a fire to dry their clothes, (not the smartest move, but they seem to have gotten away with it) then they curled up in the straw in the barn and slept, un-disturbed, for several hours. Late in the morning the soldiers roused themselves and set out again, traveling at a slow pace, not so much to avoid suspicion, but they were in no shape to travel quickly and Chapman had one shoe that was badly damaged and his sock was placed over it to keep it together. He would praise Southern women for their ability to knit such rugged socks!

Chapman and Lane traveled east and past the home of the farmer whose barn they had slept in and asked of his young son if the road led to a Rebel camp. Yes, was the answer, and the pair continued on their way. Unbeknownst to the Confederates, the farmer was a member of a Union Home Guard outfit that had been organized by loyal Union men in the neighborhood to protect their property from the ravages of Rebel bushwhacker bands. These were not the typical partizans or guerrillas that had the Confederate Cause at heart, rather they were the outlaws, thieves, and murderers that preyed on innocent victims irregardless of their loyalties. They quite often fought each other, and some of these bands were made up of deserters from both armies. In essence they were from the lowest stratum the Confederacy (or Federals) had to offer.

The farmers name was Sizemore which was also the name of the clan that had nearly murdered the two men up in the hills. This man was more upstanding and denounced his kinsmen. This Sizemore was told by his son that the men had passed by, and he and another man set out to capture them, thinking they were a part of an outlaw band or were on their way to become a part of one that inhabited the area. They took a short cut and placed themselves ahead of the weary soldiers, and soon captured them, the Confederates offered no resistance. Chapman felt that he would have been better off if they had just shot him, rather than having to face capture and its unknown result. Chapman and Lane presented themselves under aliases and as deserters from the Rebel army, the same story they had given to the hill country clan, just in case these men were more closely knit to their kin than they let on. Fortunately they were not, and as luck would have it their capture in all probability had saved their lives, for the camp they were heading toward in fact did belong to one of the bushwhacker bands.

News of Chapman and Lane's escape from the hills had reached the farmers home while he was in pursuit of the two rebels. The farmer demanded a full accounting of the episode, but Chapman balked, he being still unsure of the intent of his captor. He finally told all, but retained the facade of their being Rebel deserters. This satisfied Sizemore, who told them that they were the only two people he had ever heard of that had encountered his deadly kin and survived to tell the tale. They were still his prisoners, but now they were under the protection of Farmer Sizemore who promised to get the articles stolen from them earlier by his kin, and he did.

Farmer Sizemore advised the Confederates to travel to Booneville, Kentucky,with he and another man as escort, and turn themselves over to the Provost Marshal stationed there and take the oath to the Federal government. This he said would provide them legitimate travel papers so the two could travel freely about the countryside and eventually home. Chapman and Lane agreed to this, with one unspoken stipulation. They would not take the oath, but would turn themselves over to the Provost Marshal as officers in the Fifty-fifth Georgia, Confederate States Army. They preferred to be treated as prisoners of war than be seen as turncoats in the Confederacy. The 15^th of September 1863 marked the end of Robert Chapman's and James Lane's odyssey in the hill country. They had been on the lamb since the September 11, and the next day would see them once again on their way to Johnson's Island, only this time they would be delivered.



Captain Robert D. Chapman

Chapman and Lane arrived at Johnson's Island September 30, but were housed away from other officers of the Fifty-fifth as housing was allotted according to date of arrival. Chapman would contract diphtheria that winter but would recover. The winter of 1863-64 was one of the harshest in the region in years, and diphtheria and pneumonia ran wild through the camp. Life in the camp was not pleasant of course, but Chapman states that the food was adequate as far as prison fare goes, and only diminished as Lake Erie froze then later thawed rendering it difficult to supply the prison. Of course there was always a tunnel being dug or other means of escape being considered at all times. Shortly before his departure from the island, Chapman was involved in digging his own tunnel, but gave up when it was announced that he, along with other prisoners, would be transferred to Point Lookout, Maryland. James Lane would remain at Johnson's Island for the remainder of the war and be released in June 1865.

Chapman left the island on February 9, 1864 and was carried by boat to Sandusky, Ohio, where he and the others would be transported to Point Lookout by rail. He still had no intention of remaining a prisoner, and even had absconded with a couple of small saws from a workshop on the island. With these he attempted to saw through the floor of the train car that transported him and his fellows toward their new home. This plan was soon to be discarded, as the first saw was badly dulled in the effort, and the hole was discovered. At each stop along the way a guard detail was set on the platform and the opposite side of the train, so escape once the train stopped was rendered a hopeless proposition. The only other option was to exit the car through a window while the train was slowing down for a stop but still in motion. This plan was settled on, and Chapman was about to go into the night alone. He was better prepared for this escape, in a sense, than he was for the episode in the hills. He had learned from a fellow prisoner of a citizen, a young lady in Emmetsburg, Maryland, that would aid him and she would be able to point the way toward other sympathetic souls who would tell of more friends that would aid him in getting south. So near ten o'clock in the evening, February 11, 1864, his escape was made amid “thunder and lightning, earthquake, dirt, dust, and blood” just outside York, Pennsylvania. It had been discovered he was missing so he had to evade guards for a short time, but the train and guards finally moved on. “A lone Confederate had invaded Pennsylvania and flanked the enemy”!

From here his escape was somewhat tame as compared to the earlier adventure, yet he was still in danger of discovery all along the rout. The weather had turned foul, but his contacts were very hospitable but he could not linger long in one spot. He would travel through snowstorms and freezing landscapes along the way but he had to move, for his sake as well as his hosts. At length he would enter the Shenandoah Valley where he would meet half a dozen Virginia cavalrymen who were on furlough and secretly visiting kin in the Valley. These men comprised his escort home to Confederate lines where he arrived safely on March 1, 1864. After he was verified to be who he said he was, he went to Staunton, Virginia, where he entered the hospital for a few days. Then he went to Richmond to have a new set of identification papers made, having burned his originals way back in September of 1863, then applied for and received a thirty day furlough.

Captain Robert D. Chapman served the Confederate States for the remainder of the war among what was left of the Fifty-fifth Georgia, about 130 men, as part of a guard detachment and as Adjutant at the prison at Andersonville, Georgia and later in the line of Joseph Johnston's army facing Sherman in Georgia and the Carolinas. It all was the adventure of lifetime, or a lifetime in an adventure.

Source

Chapman, R.D., A Georgia Soldier in the Civil War, 1861-1865, 1923

Retrieved from http://www.hathitrust.org/